This image displays modern soldiers in battle
Photo by 16:9 Clue, uploaded to Flickr Commons 2010. (https://www.flickr.com/photos/53255320@N07/4926945840/) "Mural on a wall of the main square (Zocalo) of Oaxaca. The people united will never be defeated.

  This image displays a crowd of people. One is speaking and someone is holding a recording device.
Photo by People's Advancement Centre, uploaded to Flickr Commons 2011. (https://www.flickr.com/photos/69081811@N05/6340073692/) Celestine AkpoBari Addressing a cross section of the media in Port Harcourt during the 16th anniversary commemoration of the murder of Ogoni leaders.
And the little screaming fact that sounds through all history: repression works only to strengthen and knit the repressed.1

1. Introduction

We congratulate ourselves for our freedoms found by way of pleasure-giving purchases, extravagant vacations abroad, and exotic meals out. We relax into our perceived liberty brought by technology that has unbound us from restrictions of mundane living. Daily we embrace our personal rites of sovereignty. However, a peek beneath the veneer of modernity shows that the foundation of perceived reality appears corroded. Instead of luxury, many still feel the sting of deprivation and cruelty. Across the globe, instead of freedom, liberty, and sovereignty, modernity creates heartless spaces of domination, real and profound. In these spaces of suppression, resistance is born. However, actions of defiance are quite varied and consequences wide ranging.

Social movements (SMs) theorists seek to understand resistance and advance theories to undercover potentialities for momentum to occur in repressive contexts23. Further, social change agents are hungry to understand strategies that might lead to movement success and thereby lead to a more just and equitable world4, 5, 6, 7. Yet, a fortified understanding of collectivization and mobilization is still elusive8.

Evidence shows that repertoires of resistance occur across a broad spectrum. Much has been said about the portion of the spectrum that takes the form of violent activisms. On the opposite end of the spectrum are the tell-tale signs of resistance in daily life and the numerous examples of covert but cumulative actions9. However, strategies enacted in the space between covert or diffuse resistance and demonstrative or revolutionary resistance are not equally elucidated. Could it be that the bulk of action takes place in this middle ground? Is this the space where cohesion is born and momentum generated?

This figure the inputs of social movement succes.
Figure 1. Forms of actions adopted by social movement actors occur along a continuum and include covert, middle-of-the-spectrum, and demonstrative. Theorists and activists seek to understand what leads to social movement success.

If we open the “black box” of actions taken by actors in the middle-of-the-spectrum resistance movements, what can we learn about strategies employed? As activists seek cohesion and momentum are common strategies exercised? In seeking to answer these questions, I investigated modern SMs in repressive contexts where middle-of-the-spectrum repertoires of action were reported. In this paper, I present five strategic themes that emerged from reviewing this body of literature. The strategies found include: asserting informal power, evoking emotions, community skill building, framing of “space”, and ritualistic tactics. Focusing on these strategies brings about a new understanding of resistance in the spaces between violent uprisings and quotidian opposition actions. This expands conceptualizations of how cohesion and momentum are achieved. Further, I observe that none of the existing social movement theories (SMTs) are adequate frameworks for thinking through the questions posed and argue that inductive reasoning should take precedence until a new theory can be formulated.

2. Locating Social Movements

Prior to delving into the themes found, in order to obviate confusion, it is important to locate SMs within a modern context. Authoritative SMs scholars trace the beginning of contemporary SMs to the 1960s and state that the explosive interest accompanying them resulted in numerous social movement theories (SMT)10. Philosophies on social change by de Tocqueville, Durkheim, Kornhauser, Le Bon, Marx, Smelser, Tönnies, and Weber weave through SMT, yet paradigmatic ways of thinking about collective action continue to shift significantly as society evolves11. Numerous definitions of SMs abound and scholars defend their definition of SMs and the SMTs that align to their epistemology. For purposes of this paper, I provide the following foundational definition. Social movements are “sustained campaigns of claim making, using repeated performances that advertise the claim, based on organization, networks, traditions, and solidarities that sustain these claims. The campaign is sustained challenges to power holders in the name of the population…” 12. Next I provide a brief exposé of major theories to aid grounding of this research.

3. Major Social Movement Theories

Social movement theories (SMTs) each have their own epistemological leanings and provide scholars with lenses through which to look. In order to taken into full consideration how the theoretical orientations might affect the scholarly publications reviewed, in this section, I provide a précis of each of the major SMTs. Understanding the focus of each SMT and thus its limitations further supports the claim made in this paper that none of these are adequate for the questions I asked when setting out on this research project.

Theory of Resistance in Daily Life (RDL)

At the core of this theory is that people can and will confront oppression with numerous small and individually enacted forms of resistance 13. Short of collective defiance, and not necessarily needing group coordination, these activities over time create a culture of resistance.

Political Opportunity/Contentious Politics Theory (PO/CP)

PO/CP focuses on long cycles of mobilization. It asks about the opening and closing of a SMs access to political processes and how this leads to success or failure14. The focus is generally on movements as networks rather than on individual SMs organizations or actors.

Resource Mobilization Theory (RM)

RM asks about the type and amount of resources available to organizations and the effects of such on their mobilization, structure, and strategy15. A fundamental aspect of the theory is that formal social movement organizations are established prior to mobilization and are necessary components for SMs’ evolution. The focus is generally on organizational dynamics.

New Social Movements Theory (NSM)

NSM raises questions that deal with social and cultural concerns arising from post-modern life, such as the shift of control from individual to corporate actors16. Scholars ask about values, identity, ideas, repertoires of action, and organizational forms. The focus can be on a formal group, non-formal assemblages, or even global movements.

Collective Action Frames Theory (CAF)

CAF proposes that aggregation of messages based on the SMs’ ideations are utilized to articulate problems, identify alternatives, and develop a rationale for mobilization, activity, and sustainability 17. It asks questions about beliefs and values that shape construction of meaning and how this foments resistance and guides action. It also asks about variations in messages: resonance, inclusivity, disputes, and diffusion, and seeks to understand how frame articulation/amplification and alignment affect scale and scope.

Culture Theory (CT)

CT takes a Janus approach to SMs; acknowledging that cultural production is affected by social conflicts, it also sees culture as a tool-kit that influences SMs’ structures and practices18. Questions are asked about conventional wisdom and shared views and the interpretations and influences of these. Scholars seek to understand attributes of collective identity and production of meaning.

It is important to note that the swing toward inclusion of culture in the 1990s brought the constructs of ideology and emotion back into focus. Not distinctly tied to culture, theorists suggest that they should be embedded in all existing theories. Oliver and Johnston19 state that only by looking at the ideology can we understand the “why” of the SMs. It has been pointed out that the artificial bifurcation between rational and emotional actions is incongruent with our understanding of cohesion and mobilization20, 21, 22.

4. What is Resistance?

Resistance is at the core of this paper; thus it behooves us to consider the terminology. Although its popularity has spurred a rapid proliferation of scholarly work, it remains a fuzzy term with numerous competing definitions among various disciplines 23. A recent meta-analysis of the usage of the term “resistance” in scholarly works showed that “although there is virtual consensus that resistance involves oppositional action of some kind, there is considerable disagreement about whether resistance must be intended by actors and whether it must be recognized by targets and/or observers”24. The authors propose a typology of resistance that “highlights the central issues involved in disagreements about resistance—recognition and intent… and presents seven types of resistance, each defined by a different combination of actors’ intent, target’s recognition, and observers’ recognition”25. For purposes of this research, when analyzing papers for examples of resistance, I specifically looked for instances of action that were intended by the actors to be actions of resistance.

Type of resistance found in the literature Intended as resistance by actor? Recognized as resistance by outsiders?
Overt Yes Yes
Covert Yes Yes
Missed Yes Yes
Attempted Yes No
Externally-defined No Yes
Target-defined No Yes
Unwitting No Yes

Table 1. Synopsis of resistance typologies proposed by Hollander and Einwohner (2004)

5. Methodology

Impetus for this paper came during study of “Comparative Social Movements” with Professor Wilma Dunaway, social movement scholar. Access to Dr. Dunaway’s large repository of social movement literature enabled this research. Seeking to understand suppression and resistance in a modern context, literature detailing international social movements published between 2000 and 2013 were included in the study. After eliminating those that either concentrated on resistance in daily life or violent uprising, a total of seventeen articles were further analyzed. The literature spans movements within the nations of Argentina, Chile, Egypt, Estonia, Guyana, Kenya, Korea, Mexico, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Suriname, and Thailand. The majority of publications were the result of long term ethnographies and included interview data, participant observation, and document analysis (diaries, written reports, and print media). Inductively probing each article, themes began to emerge. Five major themes were settled on and are reported here. These include asserting informal power, community skill building, evoking emotions, framing of “space”, and ritualistic tactics.

6. Inductively Derived Themes

Asserting Informal Power

Numerous scholars investigate the supportive subcultures, specifically non-formal structures, which exist within nations marred by repressive regimes. These subcultures and/or subaltern ideologies assert what informal power they hold; and they seek ways to claim more. Strategies undertaken by indigenous groups are predominant in the literature. Malseed’s26work with Myanmar’s Karen tribes points to a diffuse network with no formal leadership; yet they created and maintained rebellious activities with causal effects. For example, the informal power of the elder females in villages was enacted repetitively against demands made by the military to move from their native lands. Similarly, autonomous peasant communities were powerful actors in Mexico’s Zapatista campaigns, motivating the logic of mandar obedeciendo (governing by obeying the will of the community)27. Indigenous communities in Nigeria strategized to create the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People and claimed power by utilizing connections to the mass media to their benefit 28. Another example of indigenous people claiming power was seen in the fight against mining development in Suriname. Understanding their dire need to gain bargaining rights and legal land rights, tribal communities chose to collaborate with an urban, bureaucratic organization (The Association of Indigenous Village Leaders in Suriname) to create an “indigenous rights frame”.

Three examples of gender-based resistance and their usage of informal authority were detected in this analysis. In Argentina, Chile, and Guyana, female activists coalesced to resist various gender-based discriminations. In Argentina, women strongly challenged the Catholic church via newspaper ads “that denounced reproductive rights violations of the church”29. This led to legislation proposals and passage of a law guaranteeing the right to family planning information and contraception in public hospitals. Another example in Argentina highlighted female laypersons conducting neighborhood health surveys30. In Chile, contestations revolving around symbolic meanings of citizenship resulted in poor, working-class, rural, and indigenous women creating formal networks “to contribute to improving the situation of discrimination, both gender and class, that women of the popular sector suffer …to promote a more substantive and inclusive citizenship”31. A similar scenario in Guyana highlighted women of varied backgrounds (class/status, race/ethnicity) who came together in creation of the “Red Thread Women’s Development Organisation” and their struggle to redefine their political culture 32. A display of power is heard in this quote:

We decided to develop patterns that were based on Guyanese reality. We developed images that were rooted in African, East Indian, and Amerindian Guyanese experiences. So we took a formally traditional skill that was practiced by middle-class women and used it in a revolutionary manner….revolutionary art form…

Assertion of informal power is also noted in the post-soviet nations. Specifically, Johnston24 found that coffee shop, bars, and even parks, were tolerated as centers of oppositional speech because they “drew upon a Chechen tradition whereby kinsmen gathered in village centers to discuss issues and settle disputes” (p. 198) and that traditional social functionalities (beekeepers and horticulture clubs and folk-dancing events) became “boundary-spanning groups” where talk of their governance desires and hopes of independence were undertaken (p. 201).

Similarly, the controversial Muslim Brotherhood enacted resistance toward the Egyptian government by infiltrating traditional social and education venues and asserting informal power. Munson33sought to understand “why did the Muslim Brotherhood succeed rather than one of the dozens of alternative religious reform societies that existed in Egypt?” (p. 493) and concluded that along with their “public service projects”, which developed good will among the Egyptians in need of public services, their informal organization allowed them to shift power and communication responsibilities from branch office to branch office, thus gaining them the ability to coordinate despite extreme repression.

Community Skill Building

Examples of community skill building, both formal and informal, occur despite restrictions to civil society. In the articles analyzed, the majority depict scenarios where an inherent part of the SMs strategy was community skill building to create places for empowerment. Three of the six texts tell of repressive regimes in Central and South America. Female political activists in Guyana organized resistance to International Monetary Fund structural adjustment mandates. Their mission was to create a space of empowerment where women could use their skills or learn a new skill to generate income, while simultaneously learning about disparities in society and how to fight these 34. Similarly, in Mexico, women’s artisan cooperatives provided commingled training in arts, economics, and political advocacy35. Communal kitchens feeding neighborhood children also “became political hubs in movements challenging neoliberalisms and places where women met and began to question their subordination collectively” in Argentina36. Thus we see that the activist “changed and politicized the mundane and created new spaces to challenge the status quo, even as certain traditions continued despite economic disruption” (p. 714).

On the other side of the globe, laborers in Thailand and Korea mobilized for workers’ rights. In Thailand, women factory workers combined forces with both feminist and human rights groups to resist the oppressive rationality of conformity they lived under 37. Small study groups, approved by older female factory workers (an important commentary on social power structures in their society), were sponsored by independent unions and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and taught women “their legal rights and how to analyze their experiences in relation to these rights as well as in relation to broader structures of inequality within Thai society as a whole” (p. 125). Suh38 considered Korean white collar labor activists’ process in developing union coalitions and thereafter negotiating for rights during years of union repression. He observed that during the period of the union’s community skills development, the government’s repression worked in a “positive way to enhance union members’ political consciousness and their voluntary engagement in political protests” (p. 450).

Lastly, I choose to highlight how the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt used the strategy of community skill building. Munson39 documented that they often connected to newly urban Egyptians and worked within their existing social networks to create a stronger sense of community that included a three tiered membership structure. Additionally, the members agreed to use member money in creation of schools, clubs, and mosques and provided for training of more doctors and neighborhood imams (priests).

Evoking Emotions

Options for resistance within an oppressive regime may be limited. However, there are two ways activists use emotions to evoke change. One way is to rile the emotions of participants and the other is to bring emotionality to the fore when pressuring the dominant regime.

The only case of overt emotional manipulation is noted in Perry’s40 account of Chinese revolutionaries using shame and fear tactics when obliging comrades to embrace Maoism. However, several examples of emotions being evoked to keep participants motivated are reported. In Thailand, “images of unionists as siblings therefore evoke both intimate contexts of familial support and…suggests the obligations workers have as rural migrants to assist distant kin are compatible with the sacrifices they can make for one another as coworkers in order to protect their collective interests against those of employers”41. Further, in Korea, Suh42 found that evoking emotions among workers stimulated SMs participation during the period of government oppression of union collectivism. In Mexico, the retelling of ancient mythical heroes who resisted authority enforced the deep-seated respect for justified rebellion against outside exploitation and spurred activist mobilization 43.

Bringing emotionality to actions against the repressive regime stirs not only participants but the general public and may be an effective strategy for member recruitment. In three cases analyzed, it also appeared to be a strategy to shame the repressive regime on the world scene. Both in Mexico and Nigeria, indigenous people used emotions in their fight to secure land rights and to have an improved quality of life. The Ogoni in Nigeria used media to get their message out. For example, one media message argued that “the land as the material embodiment of the Ogoni lies at the root of Ogoni identity, ‘community memory’ of their past, present, and future, Ogoni prosperity and guidelines for negotiating the world”44. Their plea, broadcast by radio and print, motivated international human rights and environmental groups to their aid. In a similar occurrence in Mexico, relating indigenous creation stories and people’s inherent spiritual connection to the land stirred emotions among international allies and “created a political opportunity structure that placed the Mexican government in a position where it was unable to either ignore or fully repress EZLN collective action”45. Further, Borland and Sutton46 found shaming of local politicians to be a strategy used by Argentinean women’s groups.

Framing of “Space”

Creative usage of resources is key for activists. The ability to frame “space” as a major resource or to re-frame “space” in a new light is a documented strategy. Stolle-McAllister47 recounted the struggle in Mexico against planned construction of a golf course and international airport. Mobilization resulted from community discussions of protecting the pueblo. Looking through the lens of cultural politics, pueblo meant “both territory and social structure, therefore these conflicts were seen as threats not only to the territorial integrity of the communities but also to basic relationships and culture, making the stakes that much higher for participants” (p. 170). Another example from Mexico saw communities strategically “repeat gatherings in particular public spaces and on culturally significant days [thereby] sustaining the viability and duration of a movement”48. Further, permanent resistance art installations accompanied by repeated staged performances of song and dance occupied some city squares (p. 301).

Two authors investigated framing of space in African nations fighting environmental battles. Kenya’s “Green Belt Movement” framed space from an ecofeminist perspective grounding its work in “linkages between environmental degradation, the marginalization of women and poverty, and the need to approach development from the grassroots upward by empowering women to directly intervene in and control, the environment”49. Invoking heritage land rights, Nigeria’s Ogoni “frequently allude to the role of the gods, ancestors, and spirits in their mobilization” 50. Thus, via framing of space, they asserted their legitimate claim to the lands and “cast the State and Shell as the tenants on the land. What they expected from the latter is their miideekor or fair share as landowners” (p. 255).

Analogously, indigenous people in Suriname fought off conservation and development schemes that would remove them from their lands. Reframing of their relationship to the space and evoking a “rights frame” was elucidated in this quote:

We can have no agreement granted for the establishment of a nature reserve in Kaboeri Creek….we shall, as we always have done, continue with the protection and preservation of Kaboeri Creek for the benefit of the animals, plants, fish, and our community. 51

Many cultural groups in post-soviet nations found themselves as hotbeds of contentious dialogue about the restructuring of newly formed nations and strategies to avoid repressive government tactics. In a twist of irony, what had once been purely social space was increasingly reframed as political space. In an effort to remain legitimate and safe,

some cultural and intellectual associations assumed formal organizations to take advantage of state and party resources…One member of an English Language Circle recounted how the group enjoyed summer retreats at resorts, paid for by the state…when they gathered, there was freedom of discussion where, ‘under the surface was the truth’52.

Ritualistic Tactics

As a tactic of resistance, ritual enactments can create unity or cause discord depending on the organizers’ intent. Analysis of Nicaragua’s Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs shows a strong connection between the ritualized ceremonies created and the women’s affinity toward remaining as activists53. In the same way, feminist seeking reproductive rights in both Argentina and Chile used rituals to reinforce their collective anger at the Catholic church. Borland 54reported on ritual tactics she witnessed during years of ethnographic work. In Chile, activists “erected altars in memory of women who died from botched illegal abortions” (p. 327) and held ceremonies around them. In Argentina a common riposte was “take your rosaries from our ovaries” (p. 336).

In Mexico, ritual space was amplified with drumming, speaking the voice of the earth and of the dead47, theatrical expositions, and “organized mourners” 55. Further, “annual cycles of rituals commemorating important local myths is vital to the maintenance of what denotes the ‘hard nucleus’ (nucleo duro) of the pueblos” stated Stolle-McAllister56 when speaking of movements in central Mexico. Moreover, another example from the Oaxaca region of Mexico highlighted activists who created modern day rituals. Using culturally and historically significant places (such as the location where activists and a journalist were killed by police) to create modern shrines included in silent march rituals allowed for “collective moral commitment and serve to maintain collective identity” 57.

Whether strategies for mobilizing or identity building, evidence of ritual approaches occurred worldwide. An evocative accounting of ritualistic tactics was shared from Nigeria’s Ogoni tribes58. On the day of their major plea before their national government, the Ogoni “took advantage of extant spiritual resources by mobilizing supra-human actors in their environment”; this included elders pouring libations to the ancestors, prayers at gravesites, and women fasting and praying to the ancestors for their tribes (p. 258).

Conclusion

Parallel Strategies of Cohesion and Momentum

In this review of published literature, I sought to understand strategies employed by actors within middle-of-the-spectrum resistance movements. By inductively probing the literature, I found that common strategies for cohesion and momentum were evidenced. What came to light is that a gamut of resistant actions exists that is far different from what has been reported in furtive, non-violent actions and in revolutionary, violent actions. As the five thematic strategies showed, there are parallel, although nuanced, strategies exercised as activists seek cohesion and momentum.

It appears that part of the divergence may be caused by culturally based political imaginaries59, 60. However, I say that with caution since none of the authors wrote about such in their research. At the same time, the evidence showing movement actors boldly enacting informal powers also showed that they often did so by using their extant legitimized traditional power claims. These cases showed how the culture imagined and embraced certain assertions. Further, the examples of community skill building showed a preponderance of social centers and work sites hosting trainings that merged political messaging with skill building, resulting in innovative political strategies.

Another way to conceptualize how cohesion and momentum developed in distinct ways comes by way of the framework of ideologies and emotions. As mentioned in the section on major SMTs, there is no codified theory that keenly looks at ideology and emotions. However, it may be that the underlying rationales that allowed participants to use the evoking of emotions to create cohesion among participants, aid recruitment, and bring shame to the repressive regime’s actions were ideologically based. Similarly, the framing of “space” occurred in varied ways again, suggesting an ideological foundation. Sometimes it came via legitimacy claims from extant micro-cosmologies; in other cases embodied expressions conjoined the space and the people; and in a few cases reframing the meaning of the space occurred to maintain safety and access. The last theme, use of ritualistic tactics, showed enactment of parody rituals taken from other contexts as well as enactment of authentic indigenous rituals. It was often a tactic to aid collective identity development and mobilization.

Recommendations

In closing, I argue that further research should continue exploring methods that can dissect the “black box” of these strategies in an attempt to further understand activists’ orientations toward these strategies and gauge their thoughts on effectiveness of ones enacted. Although this literature review shines light on the subject and spurs our curiosity, the limitations of working with preexisting documentation weakens our understanding of exactly why and to what end these actions were performed.

Additionally, SMs scholars should continue to address, both philosophically and empirically, the inadequacy of SMTs for decoding modern SMs. This paper shows that an inductive approach allowed new themes to emerge, and there is suspicion that many of these strategies cohere within the SMs explored; however, none of the extant SMTs could speak to these themes. Expansion of SMTs is warranted.

End Notes

1 Steinbeck, John. The Grapes of Wrath. New York: The Viking Press, 1939.

2 Klandermas Bert and Conny Roggeband. (Eds.). Handbook of social movements across disciplines. New York, NY: Spring, 2007.

3 Tilly, Charles and Sidney Tarrow. Contentious politics. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishing, 2007. Appendix A.

4 Hall, Budd, L., Darlene E. Clover, Jim Crowther, and Eurig Scandrett (Eds.) Learning and Education for a better world: The role of social movements. New York, NY: Springer Science and Business Media, 2013.

5 Mommaerts, Marissa and Ken White. Weaving the community resilience and new economy movement: Voices and reflections from the field. Santa Rosa, CA: Post Carbon Institute, 2014.

6 Mayer, Brian. Cross-movement coalition formation: Bridging the labor-environment divide. Sociological Inquiry 79, no. 2 (2009): 219-239.

7 Somma, Nicolas M. How do voluntary organizations foster protest? The role of organizational involvement on individual protest participation. The Sociological Quarterly51, (2010): 384-407.

8 Klandermas and Roggeband.

9 McAdam, Douglas, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald. (Eds.) Comparative perspectives on social movements: Political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framings. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1996. p.xi

10 Macionis, John J. Sociology (15th edition).Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, Inc., 2013.

11 Tilly and Tarrow.

12 Scott, James C. “Everyday forms of peasant resistance.” Journal of Peasant Studies 13, no.1 (1986): 5-35.

13 McAdam, Douglas, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly. Dynamics of contention. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

14 McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald.

15 Tarrow, Sidney. Struggle, politics, and reform: Collective action, social movements, and cycles of protest. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989.

16 Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. “Framing process and social movements: An overview and assessment.” Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639.

17 Melucci, Alberto. “The symbolic challenge of contemporary movements.” Social Research 54, no.4 (1985): 789-816.

18 Oliver, Pamela E. and Hank Johnston. “What a good idea! Ideologies and frames in social movement research.” Mobilization 4, no.1 (2000): 37-54.

19 Aminzade, Ron and Douglas McAdam. “Emotions and contentious politics” Mobilization 7, no. 2 (2002): 107-109.

20 Goodwin, Jeff, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta. “The return of the repressed: The fall and rise of emotions in social movement theory”. Mobilization5, no.1 (2000): 65-83.

21 Johnston, Hank and Bert Klandermas. (Eds.). Social movements and culture. London, UK: Routledge, 1995/2013.

22 Weitz, Rose. “Women and their hair: Seeking power through resistance and accommodation.” Gender & Society 15 (2001): 667–686.

23 Hollander, J. A. and R. L. Einwohner. “Conceptualizing resistance.” Sociological Forum 19, no. 4 (2004): 533-554. p.544

24 Malseed, Kevin. “Where there is no movement: Local resistance and the potential for solidarity, in Transnational agrarian movements confronting globalization, edited by S. M. Borras, M. Edelman, and C. Kay, 323-348. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008.

25 Muñoz, José A. "International opportunities and domestic protest: Zapatistas, Mexico and the New World Economy." Social Movement Studies 5, no.3 (2006): 251-274. p.253.

26 Erickson Nepstad, Sharon and Clifford Bob. "When do leaders matter? Hypothesis on leadership dynamics in social movements." Mobilization 1 (2006): 1-22.

27 Borland, Elizabeth "Cultural opportunities and tactical choice in the Argentine and Chilean reproductive rights movements." Mobilization 3, (2004): 327-339. p. 335.

28 Borland, Elizabeth and Barbara Sutton. "Quotidian disruption and women's activism in times of crisis, Argentina 2002-2003." Gender and Society 21, no.5 (2007): 700-722. p. 710.

29 Franceschet, Susan and Laura Macdonald. "Hard times for citizenship: Women's movements in Chile and Mexico." Citizenship Studies 8, no.1 (2004): 3-23. p. 13.

30 Nettles, Kimberly D. "Becoming Red Thread Women: Alternative visions of gendered politics in post-independence Guyana." Social Movement Studies 6, no.1 (2007): 57-82.

31 Johnston, Hank. “‘Let's get small’: The dynamics of (Small) contention in repressive states.” Mobilization 2 (2006): 195-212.

32 Munson, Ziad. "Islamic mobilization: Social movement theory and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood." The Sociological Quarterly 42, no. 4 (2001): 487-510.

33 Nettles, p. 58.

34 Muson

35 Borland and Sutton

36 Mills, Mary Beth "From nimble fingers to raised fists: Women and labor activism in globalizing Thailand." Signs 31, no.1 (2005): 117-144.

37 Suh, Doowon. "How do political opportunities matter for social movements? Political opportunity, misframing, pseudosuccess, and pseudofailure." The Sociological Quarterly42, no.3 (2001): 437-460.

38 Muson

39 Perry, Elizabeth J. “Moving the masses: Emotion work in the Chinese Revolution.” Mobilization 7, no. 2 (2002): 111-128.

40 Mills, pp. 130-131.

41 Suh

42 Stolle-McAllister, John. "Local social movements and Mesoamerican cultural resistance and adaption." Social Movement Studies 6, no. 2 (2007): 161-175. p. 169.

43 Agbonifo, John. "Territorialising Niger Delta conflicts: place and contentious mobilisation." Interface 3, no.1 (2011): 240-265. p. 257.

44 Muñoz, p. 37.

45 Borland and Sutton

46 Stolle-McAllister

47 Adler, Marina. "Collective identity formation and collective action framing in Mexican ‘movement of movements’”. Interface 4, no.1 (2012): 287-315. p. 301.

48 Obi, Cyril I. "Environmental movements in Sub-saharan Africa: A political ecology of power and conflict." United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2005. Para.3.

49 Agbonifo, p. 256.

50 Haalboom, Bethany. "Framed encounters with conservation and mining development: Indigenous peoples' use of strategic framing in Suriname." Social Movement Studies10, no. 4 (2011): 387-406. p. 397.

51 Johnston, p. 202.

52 de Volo, Lorraine B. “The dynamics of emotions and activism: Grief, gender, and collective identity in revolutionary Nicaragua”. Mobilization 11, no. 4 (2006): 461-474.

53 Borland and Sutton

54 Muñoz, p. 258.

55 Perry, p. 125.

56 Stolle-McAllister, p. 167.

57 Adler, p. 302.

58 Agbonifo

59 Taylor, Charles. Modern social imaginaries. Durham, NC: Duke University Press (2004).

60 Warner, Michael. Publics and counterpublics. New York: Zone Books (2002).

Reference list

Adler, Marina. "Collective identity formation and collective action framing in Mexican ‘movement of movements’”. Interface 4, no.1 (2012): 287-315.

Agbonifo, John. "Territorialising Niger Delta conflicts: place and contentious mobilisation." Interface 3, no.1 (2011): 240-265.

Aminzade, Ron and Doug McAdam. “Emotions and contentious politics” Mobilization 7, no. 2 (2002): 107-109.

Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. “Framing process and social movements: An overview and assessment.” Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639.

Borland, Elizabeth and Barbara Sutton. "Quotidian disruption and women's activism in times of crisis, Argentina 2002-2003." Gender and Society 21, no.5 (2007): 700-722.

Borland, Elizabeth. "Cultural opportunities and tactical choice in the Argentine and Chilean reproductive rights movements." Mobilization 3, (2004): 327-339.

de Volo, Lorraine B. “The dynamics of emotions and activism: Grief, gender, and collective identity in revolutionary Nicaragua”. Mobilization 11, no. 4 (2006): 461-474.

Erickson Nepstad, Sharon and Clifford Bob. "When do leaders matter? Hypothesis on leadership dynamics in social movements." Mobilization 1 (2006): 1-22.

Franceschet, Susan and Laura Macdonald. "Hard times for citizenship: Women's movements in Chile and Mexico." Citizenship Studies 8, no.1 (2004): 3-23.

Goodwin, Jeff, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta. “The return of the repressed: The fall and rise of emotions in social movement theory”. Mobilization 5, no.1 (2000): 65-83.

Haalboom, Bethany. "Framed encounters with conservation and mining development: Indigenous peoples' use of strategic framing in Suriname." Social Movement Studies 10, no. 4 (2011): 387-406.

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